If you find any information that is not accurate, please let me know. Listing in the directory is not intended to be an endorsement of any organization or its means. I frequently do not agree with the methods or specific emphasis of individual organizations, but my personal viewpoint is irrelevant to inclusion in the directory. Any organization that is working to end abortion is legitimate to be listed herein, and I don't want anyone to be limited by my biases.
If I only included organizations that were doing things the way I think they should be done, the list would probably be very short. Here is the key to the headings of the table.
The headings are necessarily very broad in order to fit the information into the table. Please visit an organization's website or call them for more specific information. The name of the organization. Phone number to contact the organization.
The main website to go to to learn about the organization. In which states or provinces is the organization active or has local chapters? That is, In which states does the organization have an active group in which a person can be involved? Some organizations may also work internationally, but this listing covers only the U. In which aspect or method of fighting abortion does the organization put its main effort?
Does the organization have programs to educate the public about abortion? The other schools hold intermediate positions. According to sharia, it should be limited to a fine that is paid to the father or heirs of the fetus". There are no international or multinational treaties that deal directly with abortion, but human rights law touches on the issues.
The American Convention on Human Rights , which in had 23 Latin American parties, declares human life as commencing with conception. In Latin America , abortion is only legal in Cuba and Uruguay  It is also legal in Mexico City the law on abortion in Mexico varies by state .
While abortions are legal under certain conditions in most countries, these conditions vary widely. According to the United Nations publication World Abortion Policies ,  abortion is allowed in most countries 97 percent in order to save a woman's life.
Other commonly-accepted reasons are preserving physical 68 percent or mental health 65 percent. In about half of countries abortion is accepted in the case of rape or incest 51 percent , and in case of foetal impairment 50 percent. Performing an abortion because of economic or social reasons is accepted in 35 percent of countries.
Performing abortion only on the basis of a woman's request is allowed in 30 percent of countries, including in the US, Canada, most European countries, and China, with 42 percent of the world's population living in such countries. In some countries, additional procedures must be followed before the abortion can be carried out even if the basic grounds for it are met. For example, in Finland, where abortions are not granted based merely on a woman's request, approval for each abortion must be obtained from two doctors or one in special circumstances.
For example, in the United Kingdom Care Quality Commission 's report in found that several NHS clinics were circumventing the law, using forms pre-signed by one doctor, thus allowing abortions to patients who only met with one doctor. The effect of national laws as of [update] for each of the member states of the United Nations and two non-member States Vatican City and Niue is listed in the UN World Abortion Policies  report, and summarized in the following table.
The publication includes information on national estimates of abortion rate, fertility rate, maternal mortality ratio, levels of contraceptive use, unmet need for family planning, and government support for family planning, as well as regional estimates of unsafe abortion.
Despite a wide variation in the restrictions under which it is permitted, abortion is legal in most European countries. All the remaining states make abortion legal on request or for social and economic reasons.
Although nearly every European country makes abortion available on demand during the first trimester, when it comes to later-term abortions, there are very few with laws as liberal as those of the United States. Most countries in the European Union allow abortion on demand during the first trimester. After the first trimester, abortion is allowed only under certain circumstances, such as risk to woman's life or health, fetal defects or other specific situations that may be related to the circumstances of the conception or the woman's age.
For instance, in Austria, second trimester abortions are allowed only if there is a serious risk to physical health of woman that cannot be averted by other means ; risk to mental health of woman that cannot be averted by other means ; immediate risk to life of woman that cannot be averted by other means ; serious fetal impairment physical or mental ; or if the woman is under 14 years of age.
Some countries, such as Denmark, allow abortion after the first trimester for a variety of reasons, including socioeconomic ones, but a woman needs an authorization to have such an abortion. It should be noted that the access to an abortion in much of Europe depends not as much on the letter of the law, but on the prevailing social views which lead to the interpretation of the laws.
For instance, in parts of Europe, laws which allow a second trimester abortion due to mental health concerns when it is deemed that the woman's psychological health would suffer from the continuation of the pregnancy have come to be interpreted very liberally, while in other conservative areas it is difficult to have a legal abortion even in the early stages of the pregnancy due to the policy of conscientious objection, under which doctors are allowed to refuse to perform an abortion if it is against their moral or religious convictions.
Malta is the only EU country that bans abortion in all cases, and does not have an exception for situations where the woman's life is in danger. The law however is not strictly enforced in relation to instances where a pregnancy endangers the woman's life. In Italy abortion is legal, but, in the past years, it has become more and more difficult to access it, due to the rising number of objectors among doctors and nurses.
Most women in Italy seeking abortions now resort to going abroad, paying a large price, or obtaining a clandestine abortion in unauthorized clinics. In Ireland abortion is illegal with the exception of cases where a woman's life is endangered by the continuation of her pregnancy see Abortion in the Republic of Ireland.
However, in a referendum a large majority of Irish citizens voted to repeal the constitutional amendment prohibiting legislation relating to the termination of non-life threatening pregnancies replacing it with the following:. Andorra allows for abortions only when there is a threat to the woman's life. Europe's formerly Communist countries have liberal abortion laws. An exception is Poland, a country with a strict abortion law. Abortion is allowed only in cases of risk to the life or health of the woman, when the pregnancy is a result of a criminal act the criminal act has to be confirmed by a prosecutor , or when the fetus is seriously malformed.
A doctor who performs an abortion which is deemed to not have a legal basis is subject to criminal prosecution, and, out of fear of prosecution, doctors avoid abortions, except in the most extreme circumstances. Most European countries have laws which stipulate that minor girls need their parents' consent or that the parents must be informed of the abortion. In most of these countries however, this rule can be circumvented if a committee agrees that the girl may be posed at risk if her parents find out about the pregnancy, or that otherwise it is in her best interests to not notify her parents.
The interpretation in practice of these laws depends from region to region, as with the other abortion laws. In countries where abortion is illegal or restricted, it is common for women to travel to neighboring countries with more liberal laws. It was estimated in that over 6, Irish women travel to Britain to have abortions every year.
In , the U. Supreme Court decision Roe v. Wade legalized abortion nationwide. It established a minimal period during which abortion must be legal with more or fewer restrictions throughout the pregnancy. This basic framework, modified in Planned Parenthood v. Casey , is still in effect today. In accordance with Planned Parenthood v. Casey , states cannot place legal restrictions posing an undue burden for "the purpose or effect of placing a substantial obstacle in the path of a woman seeking an abortion of a nonviable fetus.
This category of countries includes most countries in Latin America , most countries of MENA , approximately half of the countries of Africa , seven countries in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as two countries Malta and Ireland in Europe. Latin America is considered the world region with the most restrictive abortion laws. Controversy over the beginning of pregnancy occurs in different contexts, particularly in a legal context, and is particularly discussed within the abortion debate from the point of measuring the gestational age of the pregnancy.
Pregnancy can be measured from a number of convenient points, including the day of last menstruation , ovulation , fertilization , implantation and chemical detection. A common medical way to calculate gestational age is to measure pregnancy from the first day of the last menstrual cycle.
Exceptions in abortion laws occur either in countries where abortion is, as a general rule illegal, or in countries which have abortion on request with gestational limits for example if a country allows abortion on request until 12 weeks, it may create exceptions to this general gestation limit for later abortions in specific circumstances. There are a few common exceptions sometimes found in abortion laws. Legal domains which do not have abortion on demand will often allow it when the health of the mother is at stake.
Laws allowing abortion in cases of rape or incest often go together. For example, before Roe v. Wade , thirteen US states allowed abortion in the case of either rape or incest, but only Mississippi permitted abortion of pregnancies due to rape, and no state permitted it for just incest. Many countries allow for abortion only through the first or second trimester , and some may allow abortion in cases of fetal defects, e. Laws in some countries with liberal abortion laws protect access to abortion services.
Such legislation often seeks to guard abortion clinics against obstruction , vandalism , picketing , and other actions, or to protect patients and employees of such facilities from threats and harassment.
Other laws create a perimeter around a facility, known variously as a "buffer zone", "bubble zone", or "access zone". This area is intended to limit how close to these facilities demonstration by those who oppose abortion can approach. Protests and other displays are restricted to a certain distance from the building, which varies depending upon the law, or are prohibited altogether.
Similar zones have also been created to protect the homes of abortion providers and clinic staff. Bubble zone laws are divided into "fixed" and "floating" categories. Fixed bubble zone laws apply to the static area around the facility itself, and floating laws to objects in transit, such as people or cars. The Bible forbids it 2. Women are coerced into having abortions 3. Abortion is dangerous 4. There are too many abortions 5. Abortion is racist 6.
The name is a hyperbole, a little too much for me. There's still a lot of fruitful information in it. For example, the top states for women's status, where religion plays a relatively small role in political life, have few abortion restrictions.
The opposite is true for more conservative states. The correlation between elevated women status and congenial abortion laws may indicate that anti-abortion states are more interested in attacking women's rights than protecting fetal life according to the political scientist Jean Reith Schroedel.
Schroedel shows that anti-choice states don't do much to ensure the health and well-being of fetuses and babies when it comes to prenatal care, drug treatment, other exogenous assistance. The same states are at the bottom when it comes to "education, child care, access to food stamps, Medicaid, and welfare" according to her. I've seen this examined before by other intellectuals but not under the light of abortion. Overall, Pro was a great read. It was very insightful, and easy to understand.
The author's tone conveys a sense of urgency and concern. For example, Pollitt's women "empowerment" argument in the introduction is definitely an appeal to emotion, but justified many times later in the text. At times though it seems that she may divert, at least in tone, and over-accentuate semi-subjective female injustice.
Nevertheless, this is only in tone because the reoccurring diversions into the female perspective are not superfluous. This is reinforced by what I believe to be the thesis, on page It is inaccessible-too far away, too expensive to pay for out of pocket, and too encumbered by restrictions and regulations and humiliations, many of which might not be seen to be one of those "undue burdens" the Supreme Court has ruled are impermissible curbs on a woman's ability to terminate a pregnancy, but which, taken together, do place abortion out of reach.
She juxtaposes this to instructions for a house - just an outline - and the conditions from your mother's hormonal mix and the combination of love, diet, and simulation are what makes a person. She says that the concept of personhood when applied to early human development in the womb makes no sense and is "incoherent, covertly religious, and believed by barely anyone".
On a related note, one big thing missing from the book in my opinion is the analysis of pain. I'm not sure what scientific advancements have been made or even the field involved - is it biology, neurology, or neurophysiology? Do those flies that we mindlessly slaughter with our feet, and inflict mass exterminations to with the minimal kinetic effort of our finger feel the same pain and suffering, with their mature physiology and well-developed nervous system, as an aborted fetus?
My guess is that the pain would be greater. We may be, as Katha Pollitt says, neglecting of female worth in our society but by the same token we are also and this is more subtle overly egotistical.
This book is thorough, comprehensive, and incredibly educational. It was a collection of short essays on feminism. I had been exposed to feminism before, but mainly in a historical context. It was something that had happened and was now over -- or so I thought.
Reading this book exposed me, for the first time, to a modern voice writing as if women truly matters. It changed my mind and it changed my life. Pollitt correctly identifies that for a woman to be able to control her own life, she has to be able to make decisions about if and when she will become a mother. Those of who support equality for women have given up a lot of ground by acting as if abortion is something shameful and Pollitt's book is a useful corrective.
She challenges us to be clear about what we mean when we say there should be fewer abortions -- do we mean that there should be fewer women and girls with unwanted pregnancies? If we do believe there should be fewer unwanted pregnancies, what real world steps are we taking to bring that about? By this standard, many anti-abortion advocates fail, and miserably so. Is what they're really saying that we are okay with the number of unwanted pregnancies, but that women and girls should simply toss their plans for their own lives whenever fate demands?
Pollitt makes a good case for the latter scenario. Pollitt approaches this issue as if the lives of women matter -- it's amazing how infrequently this is the lens through which the abortion debate is viewed. Her chapter "Are Women People? If those who wanted to return to pre-Roe days really believed what they said about motherhood, they would be less likely to dub it a simple "inconvenience," one of several inconsistencies she highlights.
Today Roe still stands, but our rights are under attack to an unprecedented degree. There are no wide areas of the country where unless a woman has the ability to travel and take time off work, her right is only theoretical. This is a powerful and clearly written book that challenges the lies and misdirections of those who would turn back the clock. Highly recommended for anyone with an interest in the issue.
Kindle Edition Verified Purchase. This book provides the most comprehensive, systematic explanation and defense of the pro-choice position I have ever read. I particularly appreciate the way Ms Pollitt frames abortion rights in the language of reproductive justice.
Women are human beings, and their right to flourish must be enforced. That cannot happen when they are made to be slaves to their gestating offspring. Bravo, Ms Pollitt, for strengthening and clarifying the pro-choice position! One person found this helpful. See all 86 reviews. Most recent customer reviews.
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